Left Wing Loses Power in Israel with the Resurgence of Benjamin Netanyahu
In the wake of Israel’s fifth legislative election since 2019, former Prime Minister Yair Lapid conceded to Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu on Nov. 3. The election results represented a total blow to the left wing in Israel, with Lapid’s left-wing bloc failing to gain a majority of seats in the Israeli parliament, the Knesset.
Netanyahu, who has been on the outskirts of Israeli politics since last year, saw his right-wing Likud party gain a total of 32 seats in the Knesset. The reaction from left-wing leaders in Israel reflects the division of the left political bloc, which failed to coordinate an effective electoral strategy.
Transportation minister and leader of the social democratic party Meretz, Merav Michaeli, pointed the finger at Lapid for, “an irresponsible campaign that called for strengthening the biggest party.” Meretz did not even pass the 3.25 percent electoral threshold. Leaders from the longstanding left-wing Labor Party criticized her statements, and Former Labor MK Itzik Shmuli argued that “It was Merav’s delusions about becoming prime minister that crushed the bloc and drowned Meretz.”
It seems that Israel’s left continues to descend, as it has since an unprecedented wave of violence killed thousands of Israelis in the early 2000s. Progressives in Israel have been criticized for pushing for greater Palestinian autonomy despite consistent terrorism targeting Israel. Netanyahu and his bloc have succeeded once again in positioning the right wing as the popular choice regarding Israel’s security and combatting terrorism.
So with the left no longer holding power in the Knesset, what will Israel look like under Netanyahu and right-wing partners?
After the election results were certified by the Central Elections Committee this past week, coalition negotiations began between the Likud, Shas, United Torah Judaism, and Religious Zionist Party (RZP). The resurgence of the right has particularly alarmed those on the left because of the controversial RZP leader Itamar Ben-Gvir. Ben-Gvir became well-known in Israeli politics after being convicted of incitement to racism in 2007 and outwardly supporting Kach, a group on Israeli and American terror blacklists.
If Ben-Gvir becomes part of the coalition government, sources close to him emphasize that his primary concern is to, “tackle the rise of terror against Jews and make it clear that there cannot be any no-go-zones in Israel.” He will most likely demand the Public Security Ministry, where he intends to implement reforms and crack down on illegal immigrants living in Israel, most of whom are low-income workers.
In reference to his past, Ben-Gvir has attempted to assure the public that he no longer believes in controversial policies like deporting all Arab-Israelis, stating, “I have no problem with Arabs. I have a problem with terrorists. I have a problem with those who raise their hands and throw stones and molotov cocktails because we are Jews.”
Netanyahu now has one month to form a government with his bloc. Like Ben-Gvir, Netanyahu has addressed concerns that his rule would harm the welfare of Arab-Israelis and embolden more discrimination against the minority group.
Arabs make up over 20 percent of Israel’s population, but their voter turnout has fluctuated dramatically depending on which candidates are running and how credible their promises are perceived to be.
Leading up to the 2021 elections, Netanyahu created Arabic-language social media accounts to spread his message, and prior to this year’s election, he visited predominantly-Arab communities in Northern Israel, including Bedouin villages. Even with these attempts to court the Arab vote, Netanyahu is unlikely to enjoy high levels of support considering his ties to ultra-right extremist parties in Israel.
President Isaac Herzog meeting with representatives of the Religious Zionist Party. Photo: Kobi Gideon / GPO
There are at least 58 pledges of support in the Knesset for Netanyahu’s bid for prime minister and solidifying his return to power. The incoming right bloc already has a long list of policy and administrative issues they intend to address, including reform of the judicial system. This could give Netanyahu the ability to evade punishment and end his own corruption trial that culminated in his ousting from power in 2021.
Religious Zionist Party MK Orit Strock has noted that judicial reform is also a top priority for his party, “There is no doubt that there is a great deal to fix, and that there is a large population that is waiting for this.”
The balance between religion and state is also likely to be affected by a right-wing government in Israel. In a discussion with representatives of the Shas party, President Isaac Herzog warned, “You’re going to have a problem with the Temple Mount. That’s a critical issue…You have a partner that the entire world is anxious about.” The Temple Mount, known as Haram al-Sharif to Muslims, is a holy site for both Jews and Muslims. The status quo agreement only permits Jews to enter the site at specific times.
Other issues like the immigration of diaspora Jews are concerns of the incoming leadership. Ultra-Orthodox leaders have long been opposed to the Law of Return, which they argue grants Israeli citizenship to those not considered Jews under orthodox Jewish law.
In response to public fears that Netanyahu will usher in an extreme administration, he replied, “We don’t want a government with the Muslim Brotherhood, who support terrorism, deny the existence of Israel and are pretty hostile to the United States.”
With concern over many debated issues within Israel, only the following month will be telling as to how Netanyahu can navigate the interests of various right-wing parties in Israel.