Latin American countries torn over warfare in the Middle East

Officers in the Mexican Military pose at the Santa Lucia Air Base in Tecamac, outside Mexico City, on Oct 9 Mexico before flying to Israel to offer humanitarian aid and retrieve Mexican Nationals in Israel. Source: Reuters/Henry Romero

In an interview on Dec. 6th with the IR Insider, Jorge G. Castañeda, former Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Mexico and Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at New York University, shared his insights on the different positions of Latin American countries on the Israel-Hamas War. Focusing primarily on Mexico's response, he highlighted an incompatibility between the Foreign Ministry and the President's course of action, affirming that “The Foreign Ministry is acting, speaking, and voting one way, while the President is [doing so] in another.” He suggests that the division in Mexico is rooted in the contrast between public opinion and political capabilities. 

“Whenever there's a crucial vote at the UN,” Castañeda remarked, “Mexico's natural inclination [is] to go with the Arabs, Palestinians, and Egyptians.” Reuters acknowledged that “traditionally, the Palestinian struggle has enjoyed a lot of support in Latin America, at the grassroots level and otherwise.” On Nov. 5, thousands of protesters marched in Mexico City, demanding an end to Israeli military intervention in Gaza.

“But at the same time there’s an enormous amount of pressure from the American Jewish community, from the B'nai B'rith, from all these groups, and Israel itself,” Castañeda added. After Mexico, led by then-President Luis Echeverria, participated in the UN resolution condemning Zionism on November 10,1975, which determined that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination,” Seymour Graubard, the national chairman of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, stated,  “I hope that when President Echeverria receives the full report of what his delegate stated at the United Nations and how she voted, he himself will issue a constructive statement of clarification.” Shortly after the vote, Mexican delegates visited Israel to apologize for their decision to support the resolution.

Nearly fifty years later, the gap between federal foreign policy and public perception persists. On Nov. 7, during one of his routine public appearances, Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador expressed support for the Israeli state while also endorsing a ceasefire in Gaza. His response exacerbates the tension between public opinion and foreign policy present across many Latin American countries. Clarifying his stance, he stated “Of course I am for peace,” he said, “and for a ceasefire.”

Castañeda acknowledged the diverse reactions throughout the continent, noting, “It's very different for each country, because of the importance of either the Jewish community or the Palestinian community.” He took Chile as an example, reminding that “Chile has the largest Palestinian community outside of the Middle East in the world. It's about 500,000 Palestinians living in Chile. And so it's very delicate for any Chilean government to be pro Israel.” The intricacies of the political landscape were evident on Oct. 25, as thousands gathered on the outskirts of Santiago de Chile for a concert titled “Chile Canta Palestina Contra Toda La Violencia.” Organized by The Comunidad Palestina de Chile, the event aimed to raise funds for hospitals in Gaza and the West Bank. In a move reflecting its concerns over the conflict in Gaza, Chile recalled its ambassador to Israel for consultations in October, citing Israel's violations of international humanitarian law. 

In contrast, countries such as Argentina face the imperative of responding to their substantial Jewish community - one of the largest globally, following only New York and Paris. Castañeda emphasizes this consideration, stressing that  “Any Argentine Government ever, even a very left wing government, like the outgoing government, today still has to take that into account.” Notably, Argentina, unlike Chile, maintains a strong relationship with Israel. 

This complex dynamic in Argentina's foreign policy is exemplified by the recent inauguration ceremony of newly elected President Javier Milei. At the event, he met with Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, presenting him with a menorah as a gift. His gesture is indicative of Argentinas push towards a stronger relationship with Israel and the West. Nevertheless, it stands as a somewhat isolated act of solidarity in a region torn between public opinion and foreign policy on the Gaza conflict.

Then presidential candidate Javier Milei, who won the election in November, raises an Israeli flag at a rally in Lomas de Zamora, Argentina, on Oct 16. Source: AP Photo/Natacha Pisarenko

Brazil presents a unique scenario. Similar to other Latin American countries, there is widespread sympathy for the Palestinian cause, especially in economically disadvantaged regions. However, the Brazilian government must tread a fine line. Despite having one of South America's largest Arab communities, with over 7 million Brazilians of Lebanese descent, the country also hosts a significant Jewish population, totaling around 120,000, with over half residing in São Paulo. Adding to the complexity, Brazil currently holds a seat on the UN Security Council, further influencing its diplomatic approach.

Addressing the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva stated on the platform X (formerly known as Twitter), “Hamas must release Israeli children who have been kidnapped from their families.” He added in the same post, “Israel must cease bombing so that Palestinian children and their mothers can leave the Gaza Strip across the border with Egypt.”

Jorge G. Castañeda with Mexican President Vicente Fox during his administration which lasted from 2000 to 2006. Source: Cuartoscuro

Navigating the political stance of Latin American countries involves inherent complexities. As Castañeda pointed out, “it’s always a very complex situation,” especially for countries like Mexico and Brazil. In his Latin American politics class at NYU, he initiated discussions following Hamas’s attack on Southern Israel on Oct. 7. 

In 2002, Castañeda engaged in a profound conversation with his cousin, Israeli journalist Benny Avni, delving into his extensive experience in the Middle East. Throughout his tenure on the frontline of foreign policy and his transformative years living in Egypt, Castañeda displayed a keen eagerness to contribute positively to the resolution of global conflicts. Reflecting on Latin America's tradition of conflict resolution through negotiations, he emphasized the dynamic nature of positions, stating, “Nothing is written in stone. The conflict may go on forever, but positions change.” His sentiments underscore a hopeful acknowledgement of the potential for positive change in even the most enduring hardships.